ISBN 978-0-19-886154-6, Oxford University Press, 2022, $77.39 (hardcover)
Reviewed by: Dr. Ernest Ogbozor, Embry–Riddle Aeronautical University, Daytona Beach, Florida, USA
In They Eat Our Sweat, D. E. Agbiboa presents a detailed ethnographic inquiry into the complex interplay between corruption and survival strategies within Nigeria’s informal transportation sector, primarily focusing on Lagos’s vibrant yet challenging urban landscape. This well-structured book unfolds six meticulously crafted chapters, each delving into various facets of corruption, which Agbiboa reframes as an essential social practice deeply entrenched in urban life’s economic and political nuances rather than simply a moral failing.
The book begins with an illuminating introduction, “Rethinking Corruption,” where Agbiboa boldly critiques conventional perspectives that traditionally categorize corruption merely as an ethical lapse. He argues for a paradigm shift, urging readers to reconceptualize corruption as a fluid social phenomenon—an adaptive, almost necessary response to pervasive economic distress and systemic inefficiencies that characterize everyday life in Lagos. This foundational concept significantly shapes the discourse in subsequent chapters, providing a fresh and critical lens through which to explore the implications of corruption within the transport sector and its broader ramifications for urban life across the African continent.
Agbiboa’s examination of societal values in Nigeria is particularly thought-provoking. He contends that corruption is not simply a byproduct of cultural tendencies or individual moral failings; instead, it emerges as a pragmatic response to the multifaceted socioeconomic hardships individuals encounter daily. By challenging readers to adopt a more empathetic stance towards moral evaluations of corruption, Agbiboa emphasizes that survival often mandates navigating through and engaging with corrupt structures rather than wholly rejecting them.
Richly woven ethnographic narratives bring to life the daily struggles of Lagos’s transport workers, primarily focusing on danfo—public transport vehicles ubiquitous in the city. Agbiboa highlights how the slogans displayed on these vehicles resonate with the personal and collective experiences of the workers, serving as essential tools for resilience amidst often precarious working conditions. He profoundly asserts, “Vehicle slogans not only convey the lived experiences and precarious labor of danfo workers, but they also serve as vital means through which these marginalized individuals navigate life and strive for advancement” (p. 111). This linguistic dimension underscores the critical role of language as a mechanism for coping, resistance, and expression of solidarity among workers.
The author further investigates the entrenched historical connections of corruption within the transportation sector, illuminating the intricate dynamics between motor park operators and governmental authorities. By challenging the reductionist view that positions these entities as antagonistic, Agbiboa reveals how their interactions often perpetuate corruption as a systemic phenomenon from which both sides derive mutual benefits. He examines the role of transport unions, drawing compelling parallels to organized crime groups, which dominate workers’ lives while reinforcing symbiotic relationships with political entities. Agbiboa skillfully documents the coercive tactics these unions employ, exploring how fear, dependency, and systemic inequalities contribute to normalizing corruption in the industry, engendering a complex cycle of disruption.
In his insightful critique of urban development in Lagos, Agbiboa tackles the paradoxical nature of political rhetoric surrounding modernization, wherein political figures advocate progress while simultaneously exploiting informal transport networks to bolster their power. Through a noteworthy case study of Bola Ahmed Tinubu, Agbiboa illustrates how corrupt practices are intricately woven into the fabric of political governance and urban planning, raising critical questions about accountability and the ethics of power.
One of the standout features of Agbiboa’s work is his immersive ethnographic approach. Over two years of intensive field research, he cultivated direct relationships with transport workers, giving him a unique glimpse into their daily lives and struggles. Assuming the role of an informal bus conductor himself, Agbiboa shares vivid personal anecdotes of police corruption, extortion, and the pervasive influence of unions, thereby offering a compelling portrayal of the harsh realities faced by those reliant on Lagos’s transport system for their livelihoods.
Moreover, the book explores the linguistic dimensions of corruption, drawing inspiration from linguistic anthropology. ‘Eating’ encompasses “nourishment, accumulation, exploitation, plunder, attack, and defeat” (p. 80)—to reveal broader patterns of transactional dynamics that transcend Nigerian society and resonate across various African contexts. His interactions with danfo operators, street enforcers (known as agberos), and motorcycle taxi drivers (okadas) enrich his analysis, highlighting the innovative ways individuals navigate the corrupt milieu while seeking to assert agency and find pathways for advancement. According to Agbiboa, an agbero is described as “dreaded urban youths who survive through their parasitic dependence on the spatial regulation of public transport in Lagos” (p. 146).
Although the book’s ethnographic foundation is praiseworthy, it would gain from a more profound theoretical examination of Lagos’s contemporary politics. While Agbiboa situates his research within a broader African urban framework, a more in-depth engagement with place-making theories could improve the comprehension of how corruption influences the transportation sector and the city’s identity and dynamics. Furthermore, a detailed analysis of how national policies and global economic trends interact with local corruption in the transportation sector could shed light on the complexities of Lagos’s urban life and its residents’ adaptive strategies.
Conclusively, Agbiboa’s They Eat Our Sweat is crucial for African studies, urban anthropology, and the socio-political analysis of corruption. By reframing our perception of corruption from a mere moral deficiency to a multifaceted social practice, Agbiboa encourages us to delve deeper into the lived experiences of those navigating these problematic circumstances, highlighting the resilience and ingenuity that often arise in response to systemic challenges. I recommend this book to scholars, practitioners, and students interested in understanding corruption in urban Africa.
Dr. Ernest Ogbozor is a scholar-practitioner specializing in conflict, security, and development. He holds a Ph.D. in Conflict Analysis and Resolution from George Mason University and was a Ford Foundation International Fellow. His research explores the micro-level impacts of conflict and how communities build resilience, with a recent focus on violent extremism in the Lake Chad Basin. He has worked with the ICRC, USIP, and Search for Common Ground.
